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Role of Social Sciences in Political Marketing

Ramla Alvi
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Role of Social Sciences in Political Marketing

If political marketing has been introduced as the art of convincing, then by tracing its origins back to the ideas of Aristotle or Plato, the roots of political marketing can be found in numerous historical sources. Phil Harris in 2001, suggested that the concept of political marketing emerged in the era of Machiavelli.

Political marketing is the planning, analysis, and selection process that aims to keep mutually beneficial relations between the political parties and the voters to reach the marketers’ political objectives. This is a scientific field consisting of a framework. However, Hughes and Dann have explained the definition of political marketing by explaining it as creating associations, evaluating the voters, and building and managing beneficial networks for their organizations along with their interests.

The field of political marketing is dynamic and evolving, amalgamating the principles of political marketing with the details of political campaigns. In recent years, the role of social sciences in political marketing has developed progressively as a significant one. The research of social sciences explains the psychological behaviours of the voters, the socio-political landscape, and public opinion, allowing political marketers to develop strategies that can help the candidate in the campaign.

The academic disciplines of social sciences studying human society and behaviour, including sociology, psychology, political science, economics, anthropology, and communication studies, offer theories, research methods, and data analysis techniques that can inform and enhance political marketing efforts. Fundamentally, this article focuses on the vital role of social sciences in political marketing, highlighting how it contributes to campaign planning, voter targeting, segmentation, persuasive message development, and campaign evaluation.

Psychologically, the voter in political marketing is contemplated as an organism receiving stimuli about the campaign, hence reaching out to predispositions to respond. The variables in the study of voter behavior consist of age, occupation, sex, race, income, lifestyle, family size, etc. However, specific variables are also used, such as the number of times the voter supported the same political candidate and the things the voter liked the most in the candidate, etc. The groups have been targeted by the voters, and then they are offered what they require in the campaigns in order to get the desired results. The behavior of the voter has been studied as part of the decision-making procedure in order to engage in a specific action, such as voting consisting of the process that precedes and follows the act.

In developed countries, one of the main aspects of the increasing influence of social sciences in electoral campaigns involves the systematic utilization of (big) data, whether generated internally or collected from external sources. For example, in a single year, such as in 2012, political parties in the United States allocated millions of dollars to acquire data encompassing voter turnout history, socio-demographic details, online browsing behaviour, magazine subscriptions, and various consumer purchases. These datasets were consolidated by specialized companies into a comprehensive report containing individual records for each American voter, consisting of numerous variables. This consolidated database predicted voter support for specific candidates, gauged their likelihood to vote, and identified areas with the highest potential for securing votes.

The historical evolution of political marketing started to gain prominence from ancient and classical periods i.e., Plato and Aristotle’s teachings, which laid the foundations of persuasive communications, resulting in political implications. Then, in the 17th and 18th centuries, the rise of representative governments and nation-states fetched new forms of political communications when the printed press played an important role in the dissemination of political ideas, such as newspapers and pamphlets.

However, in the 19th century, political parties were formed to gain power, so voting rights were expanded, and the parties started to adopt marketing tools and methods to attract voters by utilizing symbols or slogans.

Furthermore, the 20th century is actually the arrival of the mass media i.e. televisions and radios, which transformed the notion of political communications, such as when Adolf Hitler and Franklin D. Roosevelt utilized radio broadcasts to form and influence public opinions. Thus, the advent of mass media made persuasive speeches and the use of visual images the key components of political campaigns. Later, television advertising turned out to be a dominant platform for political marketing in order to reach a wider audience in the masses.

Dominic Wring, in 1996, appointed that, in the 20th century in Britain, the historical development of the marketing methods also presented and considered the United States as the real developer by highlighting the ways election campaigns were held in the 1960s and in the 1980s of United States at the time of Ronald Reagan stating that the principle marketing activities started in the election campaigns.

Finally, in the 21st century, the advent of digital technological advancements and the internet gave rise to another transformation of political marketing, where political parties started to utilize all social media platforms, websites, and other means to interact with voters directly. However, such digital methods and tools are used for data analysis, tailoring strategies via campaigns, and micro-targeting. The proliferation of advanced analytics and vast data have led political campaigns dependent on data-driven methods. Voter databases and demographic information are used to find target audiences and then shape the campaigns. Hence, data-driven political campaigns have enabled greater efficiency when it comes to persuading voters.

Social media, i.e., YouTube, Facebook, and Twitter, has completely revolutionized political communications. Now, it has become easier for candidates to engage with their supporters, mobilize the communities online, and amplify their messages. However, the rise of online activism has also taken place, enabling citizens to raise their opinions and support and challenge traditional methods and political narratives.

Tools and Techniques of Political Marketing

Conventional Methods of Political Marketing

Utilizing Celebrity Endorsements: In this approach, the practice of leveraging well-known famous personalities who can transfer their credibility, reputation, and popularity to political entities is used.

Comparative Advertisement: Using this approach, the candidate accentuates their strengths and highlights their rivals’ weaknesses to gain advantages.

Demonize Campaign Plans: This approach aims to portray the rival candidate negatively, aiming to uplift one’s own standing by putting the opponents, along with their supporters, on the defensive.

Exposing Actions of the Candidates: This strategy focuses meticulously on analyzing the attributes of the opponents, such as financial resources, personal life, or public statements, aiming to weaken the credibility of the opponent.

Pre-Election Awareness Campaigns: These are strategies where the election campaign period is prolonged, allowing political organizations to consistently maintain a comprehensive plan for engaging with voters and promoting their agenda.

Modern Methods of Political Marketing

Network Advertisement: This approach refers to utilizing the IT network infrastructures, the internet in particular, in order to create connections with voters, simultaneously enabling internal party communications.

Use of Artificial Polls: This method involves utilizing unscientific surveys to accumulate inaccurate data and then promoting them publicly to engage with the public or collect financial support to eliminate an artificial issue.

Illustrations: This approach consists of the utilization of various visual mediums, including graphics, illustrations, and animations, in order to effectively convey messages and engage the audience.

Debate: In this method, debates are carried out with interactive dialogues in front of their supporters, and the opponents or their parties engage in a discourse, aiming to proclaim their own notions while countering the notions of their opponents through logical arguments with the presentation of supporting evidence.

Symbolizing: This approach encompasses numerous methods and representations that carry substantial meanings and evoke conscious or unconscious connections with wider perceptions.

According to the research by social sciences, the making and shaping of persuasive messages revolving around the campaign themes are done by studying the cognitive processes of the voter and the framing effects. By looking at these aspects, political marketers craft messages that further appeal to the beliefs, emotions, and values of the targeted audience that they have. The insights of the social sciences guide the choice of narratives, language, and imagery, which tend to resonate with the voters.

In conducting public opinion research for political marketing, social sciences play a significant role that consists of analyzing and measuring the opinions and behavior of the citizens. In contrast, survey designs, polling techniques, and statistical analysis are conducted to determine the public’s sentiment, identify the issues of the voters, and track the trends. Thus, the political candidates for their campaigns use this data in order to shape such strategies and form their messages accordingly. The voters have been divided up into segments, and this effective targeting has been done by the research of social sciences. The understanding of the psychographic factors, social networks, and demographic characteristics has been contemplated by political marketers who can determine the voter groups that explain the number of supporters. Furthermore, this allows outreach efforts and messaging tailored according to the needs of the different segments.

Many of the research methods are then used to carry out the evaluation of the campaign in order to test the effectiveness of the approaches used by using post-election surveys, data analysis, and focus group sessions in order to assess the failures and successes. However, the feedback helps in refining and shaping future campaign approaches.

Ethical considerations play a significant role in the entire procedure, as the research by the social sciences provides a  framework in order to address all the ethical considerations in political marketing, which consists of transparency, questions regarding fairness, and the potential to manipulate campaign tactics.

In conclusion, the role of social sciences in political marketing is significant and inevitable, providing a solid foundation for understanding human behavior, societal dynamics, and public opinion, all of which are essential elements in the field of political marketing because they help in building up the understanding of voter preferences, behaviors and motivations leading to effective targeting of voters and tactics for the campaign.

Furthermore, this knowledge allows for the construction of targeted campaign approaches and the crafting of compelling messages along with engaging with the electorate. Moreover, the research also contributes to the evaluation of the results of the political campaign, helping political marketers assess the impact of their approaches used to gain the electoral results.

In the ever-changing realm of politics, where there is a constant adaptation to strategies and tactics, the role of social sciences in political marketing emerges as a crucial component, and its amalgamation will continue to play a significant role in fostering meaningful associations and shaping the political marketing strategies between candidates and voters.

Reality Bites – Political Pizzaz

Hamna Farrukh
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From Slogans to Unity

Qashif Effendi
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From Slogans to Unity

I was once asked to teach English to a class of 5-year-olds in China as part of a self-discovery trip organized by Unilever for its senior leadership. The school’s building was quite dilapidated – once the class was over, I empathized with the school’s principal about the state of the building – his response was, “we are nation building so the condition of the building is not important”. This stuck with me for many years, as I couldn’t forget the resolve in his eyes when he said this.

Over the years, I’ve been fortunate enough to be a part of building and managing many brands, and I’ve often drawn parallels of nation building with brand building. Many of the principles of brand-building apply to nation-building (just treat the country as a brand, and it all comes alive). I have seen companies thrive by following time-tested principles and destroyed by violating these, and I will share with you some parallels as they apply to Pakistan as a company/brand. To me, political branding should stand for a lot more than just slogans and political point scoring. If the aim is not to thrive as a nation, then it’s all just about serving our own interests.

Having worked in the corporate sector for almost three decades, I’ve had the opportunity to travel extensively around the world. As a result, I have observed how patriotic and nationalistic citizens of countries can be. Sadly, I have not seen anyone bad mouth their own country as much as we Pakistanis do. Not sure what we hope to achieve by doing this, as a basic truth of branding is that nothing kills a brand more effectively than an employee bad-mouthing the company. If Pakistan were to be considered a brand, its employees (citizens) would destroy its reputation daily by bad-mouthing it.

Unfortunately, this has been happening for far too long and across the world. I often spoke about it in conferences on branding and almost guaranteed our exports to the world would increase if we all collectively stopped talking bad about our country when abroad. I never suggested that we become hypocrites and start praising what was obviously wrong – the plea was more to highlight the positives and admitted that we had a lot to improve (as do a lot of populous developing countries like ours).

However, when greed met this self-destructive behavior, the results proved to be catastrophic. Again, to draw an analogy with companies, any company where its employees put their self-interest ahead of the company’s interest is bound to fail. In the case of Pakistan, a lot of key stakeholders have done this with the results for all to see and experience.

In companies, if power brokers decide to operate in silos to further their own interests and collide with others trying to do the same, it breeds politics and ultimately sinks the company. Unless you have a common objective and all employees work selflessly to achieve the same with their hearts joined together, great results can never be achieved. Pakistan, too has had too much of the former and too little of the latter, suffering as a result.

At the time of the 2008 financial meltdown, Alan Greenspan, the American economist who served as the 13th chairman of the US Federal Reserve from 1987 to 2006, made this comment in front of a Congressional hearing where his free-market ideology was questioned: “Partially … I made a mistake in presuming that the self-interest of organizations, specifically banks, is such that they were best capable of protecting shareholders and equity in the firms … I discovered a flaw in the model that I perceived is the critical functioning structure that defines how the world works” – in essence he was baffled how self-preservation would take a back seat to greed. A similar situation confronts Pakistan, where we find the self-interest and greed of a few thrusting the many into poverty and chaos.

Otto von Bismarck was a Prussian and later German statesman and diplomat who masterminded the unification of Germany in 1871 and served as the first chancellor of the German empire until 1890. He once said, “Politics is the art of the possible, the attainable – the art of the next best.” Some qualify that it is also a matter of pragmatism instead of idealism. Coupled with the more well-known and commonly used in a lot of situations clichĂ©, “All’s fair in love and war” – meaning results are more important than the means, it gives license to a lot of politicians to do whatever is necessary to achieve their goals.

If North Star was guiding these goals and integrity was paramount, this approach would probably still be understandable. But when the goals are self-serving and the intentions mala fide, the results are nothing short of disaster. Politics in Pakistan has mostly been used as a means to divide and not unite.

Perhaps the first political party to create popular slogans to appeal to public sentiments was the PPP with “Maangta hai har insaan, roti kapra aur makaan”. First used by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in 1966, it helped Bhutto win the elections. With Bhutto’s hanging was born “Jeay Bhutto”, “Naraye Bhutto” and slogans like “Kal bhi Bhutto zinda tha, aaj bhi Bhutto zinda hai” and “Tum kitne Bhutto maro ge? Har ghar se Bhutto nikle ga”. In 1988, with Benazir Bhutto’s return and victory, the ever-popular Balochi-titled “Dilla teer bijja” was sung, and with Benazir’s assassination, the mournful music “Bhutto ki beti ai thi” was played.

The very early slogan which announced the arrival of Sharif’s in politics was “Jaag Punjabi jaag, teri pag nou lag gya dagh.” In 1993, when Nawaz Sharif campaigned across Punjab, crowds greeted him with “Qadam barhao Nawaz Sharif, hum tumharay saath hain.”

PTI heralded a new era of political songs and slogans in 2011, with “Rok sako to rok lo tabdeeli ai re” and “Naya Pakistan” being the most popular. PML N responded with “Dekho dekho kaun aya, sher aya, sher aya” and “Mian de naray”, sung to the tune of Jugni. In 2018,”Vote ko izzat do” became the theme.

We’ve had some noble attempts at uniting, such as “Dil Dil Pakistan” by the maestro Shoaib Mansoor who had the vision to include the younger generation in singing about Pakistan and gave us Vital Signs, followed by many other groups like Junoon (Hai Jazba Junoon), Awaz (Ay Jawaan) and singles by Yasir Akhtar (Sohni Miti), Sahir Bagha (Pakistan Zindabad) and many others to slogans such as “Sab say pehlay Pakistan” or “Pakistan khappay.” In times of war, we also had soul-stirring music anthems to unite us and bring out our love for Pakistan, such as “Sohni Dharti,” “Ye Watan Tumhara hai”, “Ay Rah-e-Haq kay Shaheedon” etc.

Lately, however, we see a different music – thanks largely to uncontrolled social media. Coupled with our own intense desire to self-destruct and the many vested interests trying to undo us, we have what can be called a royal mess. The essence of branding is consistency of trust – we as a nation have experienced far too much consistency of mistrust. With misinformation being the tool of 5th generation warfare, it is hard to separate the truth from the lies. And even when we can comprehend it, one is left to wonder whose truth we are becoming a believer of.

Religion (and especially one as noble as Islam) should have been the ultimate uniter – this, too, has been used to divide us and how. Education, which serves to give wisdom and can be a great source of character building, has also been used to institutionalize class differences and further the divide between the haves and have-nots.

In the wake of the current situation, political branding as words joined together appears more of a misnomer. Branding focuses on enhancing value in the long run; politics has been reduced to be the tool of immediate expediency. Transformational branding is about supporting a social/environmental cause and making consumers the hero in championing this cause, Politics now is about supporting self-interest at the cost of society, the environment, and even long-run survival.

So where do we go from here – is there light at the end of the tunnel? Perhaps we need to learn lessons from how great brands are built. Strong brands have strong equity, and the primary drivers of equity are brand awareness, reputation, differentiation, energy, relevance, loyalty, and extendibility. And the element that makes a proposition a brand of choice is consistency.

Pakistan has high brand awareness, but is it for the right reasons? What reputation do we enjoy amongst the world’s citizens? Are we differentiated on the right attributes? Do we exhibit energy to claim our stake in the global economy? Are we relevant to the world in terms of our global contribution to solutions? Are we loyal to our country and its survival? Can we extend our capabilities to make a difference in the lives of our citizens? And are we consistent in our pursuit of excellence?

Great brands are also resilient. We have been polarized and divided for too long. The time has come for us to unite as a nation and create a renewed vigor of hope and optimism. Stakeholders across the board will have to rise above themselves to see the big picture. ALLAH (SWT) has Blessed Pakistan with resources and talent – our own citizens, when abroad, have accomplished a lot. It’s time to ensure we benefit from our collective efforts to rise again and shine on the global stage. In the words of the famous patriotic song “Aye mard-e-mujahid jaag zara.” Here’s hoping that a resilient brand, Pakistan will emerge out of the mess we find ourselves in.

 

The Art of Political Branding

Yasser Hamdani
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The Art of Political Branding

Election symbols are the most important part of a political party’s branding. It harks back to the use of coats of arms, banners, and insignia by various houses and dynasties during medieval times. Modern use of election symbols dates back to Thomas Nast, a political caricaturist who is credited with inventing the Republic Elephant and Democrat Donkey in the 19th Century United States of America. With time these symbols have become central to the democratic process in that country and it was this tradition that was quickly adopted by democracies elsewhere. The use of the crescent and the star by the Muslim League and the spinning wheel by the Indian National Congress in pre-partition India were examples of the use of political symbols in the subcontinent. Today the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) uses the symbol of a cricket bat, representing Imran Khan’s long association with the sport, while the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) employs the symbol of a sher (a lion or a tiger), reflecting strength and power, which was adopted after the erstwhile symbol of a cycle, was forcibly taken from them and allotted to another party in 2002. The Pakistan People’s Party historically used a sword, which was a play on Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s first name. In 1988, however, the authorities refused to allow the party to continue with the symbol of the sword. Now PPP is synonymous with the symbol of an arrow (colloquially the “teer”). The fact that the authorities, often at the behest of Pakistan’s powerful militablishment, would deprive these parties of their preferred symbols forcing them to adopt new ones shows a tacit recognition of the power of these symbols and what they come to mean in the popular imagination.

Symbols can also evoke religious feelings. In 2002, Mutahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA), an alliance of religio-political parties, began using the symbol of a book (implying of course that they were struggling for the supremacy of the Quran). Some of these slogans have historical significance. The Awami National Party for example uses a lantern as its political symbol. This harks back to the 1965 elections where the lantern was the symbol of the combined opposition’s consensus candidate Fatima Jinnah. These election symbols take a life of their own in the public imagination and have become synonymous with party manifestoes. Lantern in the public imagination is indicative of a struggle for parliamentary democracy and federalism, which Fatima Jinnah’s campaign centered around.

Catchy slogans are a quintessential part of political communication and branding in the country. These slogans encapsulate the party’s ideology, promises, or critique of opponents. PTI’s slogan Tabdeeli (change) became synonymous with their 2018 election campaign, highlighting their call for transformation and naya Pakistan (new Pakistan). PPP famously deployed roti kapra aur makan (food, clothing, and shelter) to underscore its commitment to the ideology of Islamic socialism. PMLN’s messaging in the aftermath of the 2018 elections was focused on vote ko izzat do (Respect for the vote), underscoring their claim that the 2018 elections were rigged against them.

This political branding doubles down on the personalities of party leaders, especially the master signifiers of each party. These master signifiers often become the faces of their respective parties and play a crucial role in shaping the party’s brand image. For the PPP it is the Bhuttos, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, and Benazir Bhutto, who play a crucial part in their messaging. They are hailed as martyrs to the cause of democracy in Pakistan and this has become the central plank of PPP’s message, which is Bhutto Zinda hai (Bhutto is alive).  Both Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and Benazir Bhutto have become Elvis-like figures for the party faithful.

Imran Khan, the leader of PTI, has utilised his image as the world cup-winning cricket legend and philanthropist to cultivate a charismatic and populist persona. PTI has formed a cult of personality, elevating Imran Khan to an almost infallible figure and Pakistan’s ultimate Mr. Clean. Such is the hold of his personality on his voter base that no allegation against him sticks no matter what the evidence. In many ways, Imran Khan is to PTI what Donald Trump is to the US Republican party. Notably, Imran Khan’s apotheosis as a political leader transcending that of other mortal politicians is the direct result of the party’s specific messaging around this cult of personality. His image is assiduously and quite deliberately crafted as one of an outsider challenging the powers of the status quo, a crusader telling truth to power, especially in the aftermath of his departure from office, which was branded as “regime change”. The regime change narrative is stuck. PTI derided the new government as imported hakumat (imported government) implying that the governing coalition was brought into power through foreign machinations, especially that by the USA thus playing on latent anti-Americanism rampant in Pakistani society. Nawaz Sharif is the face of PMLN but that is to be expected since the party is named after him. He is hailed as a successful prime minister who ultimately made Pakistan a nuclear power. His ouster from the government, thrice, is cited as an example of how the powers that be in the country have persecuted him because they consider him too dangerous to their vested interests. Hence Sharif is a martyr in his own right, sacrificed at the altar of power politics in the country. By doing so their respective parties have elevated Imran Khan and Nawaz Sharif to the level of Bhuttos in their voters’ imagination.

The Weberian definition of Charisma is:

“A certain quality of an individual personality, by which he is set apart from ordinary men and treated as endowed with supernatural, superhuman, or at least specifically exceptional powers or qualities. These are such as are not accessible to the ordinary person but are regarded as of divine origin or as exemplary, and on the basis of them the individual concerned is treated as a leader … How the quality in question would be ultimately judged from an ethical, aesthetic, or other such point of view is naturally indifferent to the purpose of definition.”

It is instructive to note the similarities between the PTI under Imran Khan and the PPP under Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. Both parties are charismatic parties. Bhutto used populist ultra-nationalism in the aftermath of the 1965 war to play on the discontent of the Pakistani people. Charismatic parties deploy public messaging that is- as stated above- personality-focused. Hence the emphasis on the Bhuttos and in the case of PTI, Imran Khan.

During election campaigns, political parties in Pakistan employ a host of different strategies to connect with supporters and to mobilise them. These include public rallies, door-to-door canvassing, and targeted advertising. Parties invest in designing evocative campaign materials, banners, billboards, and posters featuring party leaders, slogans, and symbols. The use of music and entertainment elements is the newest trend in Pakistani politics, popularised primarily by the PTI. Almost every political party has its anthem, which is sine qua non for modern political campaigning in Pakistan. These anthems encapsulate the aspirations of the leadership of each political party. PPP’s dilan teer bija (arrow to your heart), a song in Balochi that was recorded in a makeshift studio in Lyari underscores PPP’s struggle for the emancipation of the poor.  PTI’s song Banay ga naya Pakistan (there shall be new Pakistan) was sung by popular folk singer Ataullah Esa Khelvi and tells the story of coming progress and prosperity in the country after Imran Khan came to power. PMLN’s catchy Punjabi song Mian de Narray Wajn gay appeals to the Punjabi sensibility underscoring the bond that the Sharif brothers have with Punjab. Music serves to electrify the voter base.

Negative campaigning, which involves the criticism and discrediting of opponents, is highly prevalent in the country’s politics. Parties engage in mudslinging especially around alleged corruption, highlighting real and perceived weaknesses or controversies surrounding rival candidates or parties often bordering on slander and libel. PTI has particularly excelled in negative campaigning having branded its political opponents as corrupt crooks or chors (thieves) and in doing so has made corruption the key issue around which it mobilises its base.  Other parties use emotive appeals to religion, most recently in 2018 when the doctrinal dispute over Khatme Nabuwat (Finality of prophethood) was utilised by several political actors who presented themselves as Khatme Nabuwat ka mujahid (warrior of Khatme Nabuwat) as opposed to what they described as sinister political opponents out to destroy the religious and moral fabric of the nation.

Pakistan’s ethnic diversity also plays a key role. Political parties often tailor their branding and communication strategies to appeal to specific regional and ethnic constituencies. They emphasise local issues, cultural symbols, and linguistic preferences to establish a strong connection with voters in different regions. The multifarious centrifugal tendencies thus find traction amongst voters and supporters in provinces that feel that they are on the periphery of the Pakistani political milieu. In response to this, PPP for example points out that it was instrumental in the passing of the 18th Amendment, which devolved powers to the provinces.  Most of the regional parties tailor their message around grievances, real and imagined, that the smaller provinces, ethnicities, and linguistic groups have against the center. Federalism in Pakistan is a contested issue and it is hardly surprising that this finds a place of prominence in parties’ political messaging.

Political parties employ various print, electronic, and digital platforms, to disseminate their messages and engage with the public. Traditional media outlets such as television and newspapers still hold significant sway, particularly in rural areas. However, social media platforms have gained immense popularity, providing political parties with direct access to a wider audience. Parties have embraced social media to disseminate their policies, counter opposition narratives, mobilise supporters, and rally public opinion. Social media platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, and YouTube have provided political parties in Pakistan with direct access to a vast audience. Parties utilise these platforms to engage with supporters, share their policies and achievements, and mobilise public opinion. Parties like PTI use interactive content, including videos, and live streams, to encourage participation and foster a sense of community among their followers. Almost every party now employs a full-time social media team especially on Twitter to make and propagate Twitter trends around their messaging. Such is the power of mobilisation through social media, that social media is usually the first casualty in any crackdown on political opposition.

Social media enables political parties to disseminate information rapidly and directly to a wide audience without relying solely on traditional media outlets. Parties can bypass traditional gatekeepers and communicate their messages, events, and policy announcements in real time. This allows them to respond quickly to current events and shape the narrative surrounding political developments.  Social media has proved to be an effective tool for political parties to mobilise supporters and volunteers at the grassroots level. Parties utilise online platforms to coordinate protests, rallies, public meetings, and door-to-door canvassing efforts.  They create online groups and networks where supporters can actively participate, share campaign materials, and organize events. Trending is everything. Social media offers political parties a platform to counter opposition narratives and respond to criticism in real time. Parties can quickly address allegations, debunk misinformation, and present their side of the story directly to the public. This allows them to shape public perception and mitigate the impact of negative campaigns by rival parties. Social media thus is the ultimate political battleground of ideas, a veritable marketplace, where each party is competing for public attention. Narratives are built and dismantled in cyberspace now and this is where the political spin-doctor has to be most savvy. The message has to resonate for it to be a success and the spin doctors have to be in step with the latest public sentiment for that to happen.

Social media platforms have a significant impact on the youth demographic in Pakistan. Political parties recognise this and actively engage with young voters through social media messaging. They tailor their messages, content, and communication styles to resonate with the interests and concerns of the youth. This demographic- now 65 percent of Pakistan’s population- is seen as influential in shaping electoral outcomes, and parties vie for their support through targeted online campaigns. Pakistan’s median age according to the UN is 20.2 years, a whole decade less than the global median age. The wrong message to such a young populace can potentially have disastrous consequences, as we saw on May 9. Social media platforms provide political parties with a valuable tool for monitoring public sentiment and gauging the response to their policies and initiatives. Parties track public discussions, comments, and shares to gather insights into public opinion and adjust their strategies accordingly. This real-time feedback allows them to stay connected with the pulse of the electorate and make informed decisions. Parties like PTI have also engaged with social media influencers and celebrities to amplify their messages and reach a wider audience. Collaborations with popular figures from various fields enable parties to tap into their followers’ networks and leverage their influence to promote their campaigns and agendas.

Modern political mobilisation is all about branding and strategic communication. Most of Pakistan’s political parties have wizened to the idea, albeit belatedly but in the age of social media, a well-crafted communications and branding strategy makes all the difference. Nevertheless, while social media has opened up new avenues for political mobilization, there are challenges and risks associated with online platforms, such as misinformation and echo chambers. The digital landscape will continue to shape political mobilisation and offer new possibilities for engagement, participation, and democratic processes.  Strategic communication in political branding is essential for building a party identity, connecting with voters, managing the reputation of the leadership, mobilising supporters, engaging with media, adapting to digital platforms, and influencing policy debates. In many ways, the modern political party is the equivalent of a corporate brand and has to be marketed similarly, through clever and pithy messaging. Communications and public relations, therefore, are the most important functions in the success of a modern political party and the political parties have responded to this need by hiring communications experts and spin doctors who craft the narrative and propaganda of these political parties in line with the message that they want to resonate with the people.  2023 is the election year and it will be a very busy time for their communications and PR teams.  Eventually, the success of any party will indubitably be linked to their ability to propagate their political message. There are pitfalls as mentioned above. Pakistan’s unique political landscape is susceptible to negative messaging and campaigning. If the youth are riled up with sectarian or ethnic separatist calls, for example, it can lead to an unmitigated disaster. Therefore great responsibility rests on the shoulders of the communications and PR teams of the political parties to ensure that their political platforms are not misused. Otherwise, it would give the powers that be a ready-made excuse to crack down on political parties, as we have seen happening over the past few years in Pakistan.  For communications and PR companies, political branding and messaging can be a whole new vertical. As democracy takes root, we are bound to see mushroom growth in communications and PR companies that will focus on politics and lobbying, as is the case in many of the world’s leading democracies, especially the United States of America. Political spin doctors and PR gurus are likely to be in high demand in Pakistan in the future.

Political Branding: Panel Discussion on Narrative Building

Sara Danial
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Political Branding: Panel Discussion on Narrative Building

Political branding encompasses the deliberate and strategic efforts of political leaders to create a unique and recognizable identity for themselves or their parties. It involves shaping public perception, establishing a strong and memorable image, and effectively communicating key messages to the electorate. In Pakistan, where politics is fiercely competitive and diverse, political branding has become increasingly vital for parties and leaders to distinguish themselves in a highly polarized landscape.

Narrative building and influencing public opinion are integral aspects of political branding,  focusing on constructing a compelling and persuasive story that resonates with the aspirations, causes, needs, and concerns of the electorate. This involves framing political agendas, policies, and actions in a manner that aligns with the values and aspirations of the target audience. Successful narrative building enables politicians to cultivate a loyal and engaged support base while shaping public discourse on critical issues.

MAZHAR ABBAS – Journalist, Geo & Jang

Mazhar Abbas provided a historical overview of political campaigning in Pakistan, highlighting the association of advertising agencies with event management and campaigns. Despite challenges, effective campaigns have shaped media consumption, with media houses selling airtime to campaigns since 2013. Information ministers’ talks dominate uninterrupted channels. While digital media disrupted traditional participation in rallies, social media now empowers civilians to shape their own narratives. Media power remains relevant despite social media, as evidenced by the advance booking of front and back pages in print media. However, violations of content and commercial guidelines under the PEMRA law are widespread.

AFSHAN SUBOHI – Journalist, Former Dawn Newspaper

In terms of the rule of law, the guidelines are well-defined, but in practice, there are deviations from theory in various aspects. Following the money trail is challenging, as election campaigning heavily relies on cash transactions. The prescribed limits by PILDAT and FAFEN are rarely exhausted, with inflated expenses for decorations, media houses, advertising, aircraft, and car rentals. This inflationary trend even impacts the real estate market prior to elections due to the need for readily available cash. The connection between finance, economics, and the entire election cycle remains under-reported. The absence of accountable independent media in Pakistan creates a significant gap in free, unbiased journalism. To intervene and enhance the system, it is crucial to comprehend the financial and economic dynamics of elections, including the sources and utilization of funds.

MARIA MEMON – Journalist, ARY News

It is crucial to acknowledge the prevailing issue at hand. In Pakistan, there exists a single branding company that holds the authority to dictate what is right or wrong for the country, acting as both a traitor and a patriot, shaping the narrative of Pakistan as a security state for the past 75 years. Other political actors simply echo these dictated narratives, perpetuating the concept. National-level branding inevitably trickles down, affecting all aspects of society.

While it may have been an intriguing chaos during the nation-building process, after 75  years, this orchestrated drama has reached its full intensity. It is both disruptive and fascinating. Many analysts now adopt a passive approach, following a set pattern established over the last two decades. However, this pattern is finally being disrupted. Is
it the influence of the 60% population under the age of 35 that is asserting itself? They are pushing back, and the sentiment in Punjab is concerning. The struggles faced by the Pakhtuns and Balochistan are now widely known. This has propelled Pakistan into a significant rebranding crisis. If resorting to greater power is seen as a solution, then the narrative war has already been lost. Predicting the outcome is challenging as Pakistan ventures into uncharted territory. There is no manual to follow. It is a free-fall situation.

REHMAN AZHAR – Journalist, ExpressTV

As a member of the broadcast media generation, I have witnessed rapid and transformative changes in the media landscape over the past decade. Previously, print media would discuss the “issue of the month,” but now we see issues changing within hours. What will be the focal point of the next elections? Based on my coverage of Indian and American elections, it’s impossible to predict the election climate in advance. Previously aligned forces have now scattered, leading to unpredictable dynamics. The upcoming election is expected to be extremely chaotic, unlike the fairly systematic elections of 2013 and 2018.

SYED MUZAMMIL SHAH – Journalist, BOL News

Political branding in Pakistan lacks organization and clarity. Unlike international campaigns with distinct ideological differences, Pakistan struggles to define liberal, central left, or central right positions due to parties sharing similar narratives. The focus has shifted from objective truth and performance to maintaining credibility on screen, primarily through biased electronic and social media. Successful candidates are those who brand themselves effectively within limited time slots, prioritizing entertainment over information. This phenomenon is exemplified by PTI’s holistic approach, incorporating religious and patriotic elements to appeal to both religious voters and the elite youth. The popularity of such parties has overshadowed the branding efforts of the Establishment, making truth irrelevant. Ultimately, Imran Khan’s credibility prevails in this race.

NADIA NAQI – Journalist, Dawn TV

It’s no longer just about how leaders present themselves; the audience is discerning and aware of what they consume. The truthfulness of the narrative is no longer the central concern, as the youth cannot be fooled by emotional messaging and subtle branding. Current affairs shows have become mundane. They fail to educate the masses about the importance of their civic rights and duty to vote. What tangible benefits can a political party offer to justify a citizen’s vote? The key elements of a successful campaign include religious sentiments, anti-American stance, pro-Kashmir stance, anti-India rhetoric, and anti-Establishment messaging. In contrast, international campaigns have clear policy agendas, and the media’s role in shaping political discourse has diminished.

SHEHZAD GHIAS – Host, The Pakistan Experience

When considering the sentiments of the youth, it becomes crucial to determine who holds the decision-making power: the leader, their surrounding team, or the influential institutions that guide them. At present, the people of Pakistan feel left to their own devices, leading to a lack of trust among the youth. The specific cause being championed may not be the primary concern. What truly matters is whether it aligns with good economics, regardless of who takes the lead in advancing it.

SIDRA IQBAL – journalist, Aaj TV

The realm of Pakistani politics has heavily relied on knitting narratives for a specific political personality. So that the public can accept them as their leaders. It made sure to integrate religious sentiments, national issues, and the interest of the youth of that era to foster a strong narrative that would prevail among the nation for decades. Not to forget that at a certain time, those leaders become falling stars, and new practices of narrative building are carried out for someone else. As for this era, the youth has the eye-opening knowledge to know the difference between what is shown and what is the reality of certain crawling propagandas.

Brand Identity – How Clothing Effect Narratives

Khawaja Amer
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Brand Identity – How Clothing Effect Narratives

Brand identity, in fact, reflects the spirit of your company and is expressed and communicated through the visual elements of your brand, like your logo design, colour palette, fonts, and icons. A strong brand identity helps your customers to feel connected to the brand and your company’s mission. It also becomes a real differentiator for your business, essential for building brand awareness and recognition within your target market.

Keeping in view the importance and significance of branding and its impact on customers, political leaders also started developing branding strategies with the help of friends in advertising agencies. Following their suggestions, the politicians concentrated on external appearance, of which cloth was an integral part – Gandhi, for instance. To reach the illiterate poor masses, Gandhi branded himself as a ‘half-naked fakir’ because he wanted to convey a message through images more than words — by the way, he was a very bad orator.

British Anthropologist Emma Tarlo has remarked that the external appearance of a mature Gandhi, so idiosyncratic in the Indian context of the time, was a continuous and deliberate process of self-definition and construction. In his early days, he adopted a standard Western style of dress, which remained his attire throughout his South African stay. For the first time, he appeared in an Indian dress in public in 1913 at Durban. As a mark of his manifestation of grief for miners killed during satyagraha, Gandhi presented himself, head shaven, dressed only in lungi and kurta.

Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani was a popular Bengali politician. He was popularly known by the honorary title Mozlum Jananeta (Leader of the Oppressed) for his lifelong stance in advocating for the poor. He gained nationwide mass popularity among the peasants because he wore Lungi/ Kurta and a special cap – a dress worn by the villagers which helped him to popularise his brand among his target customers (voters).  Owing to his political leaning to the left, he was also called ‘The Red Maulana. His distinctiveness was well recognized and duly acknowledged by the customers (voters).

Branding of political leaders in Pakistan is a relatively new phenomenon. There was a time when Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah and Liaquat Ali Khan were in a position to lead the nation wearing neatly stitched expensive suits and sherwanis. People would listen to Quaid-e-Azam even if he spoke in English – a language alien to the masses. Those were the good old days when people looked for honesty and integrity in their leaders – and fortunately, they had such leaders.

The scenario changed as the quality of honesty and integrity gradually started disappearing from leaders, forcing them to opt for political branding keeping in view the demands of their customers – I mean voters. In other words, perception or image started playing an important role in the formation of a political brand, and therefore, the principles of human branding, when applied to political marketing, added to the brand personality of a political entity – Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto (ZAB) is an example.

He introduced his brand of public meetings by shifting from the traditional style of addressing public meetings to a completely theatrical one. Instead of the neatly stitched Sherwani and Jinnah cap, he started wearing shalwar-kameez – a dress worn by the masses of the country. Moreover, while speaking at a public meeting, he would often unbutton his shirt sleeves and say, “There are two Bhuttos in Pakistan; one me and the second you.”

ZAB’s deliberate and calculated appearance, emotionally-charged voice, and the language of the masses were enough to charge the crowd. His brand of politicking really worked, and undoubtedly he was among Pakistan’s most charismatic leaders who ruled the minds and hearts of the people of Pakistan even after his execution. The charisma continued, which enabled PPP to win the general elections after his death.

Reportedly on the suggestion of a CEO of an advertising agency Benazir Bhutto also changed her image of Pinky to the ‘Daughter of the East’. She started wearing Shalwar/Kameez and covering her head with a dupatta. To win the market consisting of an overwhelmingly Muslim population, she preferred to wear green Kameez, a colour which is a symbol of Islam. She also started attending cabinet meetings and public meetings with a Tasbeeh in her hand. She launched into the Pakistan political arena with this brand which really worked and made her the first Muslim woman prime minister in the world.

So is the case with Imran Khan. On the advice of his promoters, he changed the image of a flamboyant man to a commoner to win over the common lot – his main customers i.e. voters. He started wearing Shalwar/Kameez and Peshawari Chappal. This typically local brand of IK helped him to win the 2018 elections. Even today, his brand is valid, and he’s still the centre of power politics in the country.

In short, the significance of branding strategies deployed by political leaders in recent times cannot be undermined. Brand strategies are developed keeping in view the selling features that are matched with the consumer needs and psychology; it gratifies the emotional needs of consumers. According to recent research, similarly, in political marketing, we conceptually require appropriate models that better define the brand and political party analogy. The brand equity pyramid best fits the situation where a brand is equivalent to the political party, and the main objective is to win the consent of the consumer (voter).

Media Matters for Democracy: Inoculation Against Misinformation

Tauseef Mallick
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Media Matters for Democracy: Inoculation Against Misinformation

Synergyzer: What are the primary objectives and outcomes of Media Matters for Democracy’s efforts to ensure that the media and public have the right tools and an enabling environment to exercise their fundamental rights and responsibilities?

Asad Baig: For the past eight years now, Media Matters of Democracy (MMfD) has been striving to ensure that the media and public alike get access to the right tools and an enabling environment so they can freely exercise their fundamental rights and professional duties.

When talking about restrictions on digital platforms, it is pertinent to understand that the mediums of free expression, such as Twitter, TikTok, Facebook, etc., are subject to multiple layers of regulations at different levels, be it the state-level censorships or interventions from the BigTechs themselves.

So, at times the tools are available and accessible, but when it comes to ensuring an enabling environment and liberty to use them, the challenge gets doubled. For example, Twitter is considered a global medium for free speech, however, the same is being used to bombard misinformation.

The MMfD’s scope of work mainly revolves around two main objectives. One is to ensure the traditional concept of free speech through advocacy, for example, awareness regarding PECA or lobbying for six new government policies in the past five years. Two, to lead, initiate and implement media information and literacy campaigns for stakeholders, in addition to creating awareness regarding the cons associated with tools of communication in order to make them conducive to free speech.

Synergyzer: How did you feel that there is a need for media training and development in Pakistan, and has the need been reduced since the inception of your organization? What are your key achievements?

Asad Baig: When it comes to disseminating information through media, gatekeeping holds much significance. However, unfortunately, nowadays, it’s done in an absurd way, mainly because of a lack of training of newsmen on the part of news organizations.

Media houses are doing cost cuttings, and the lack of trained human resources is becoming visible and quite evident. There seems to be no investment done for the capacity building of hired resources.

The consumption patterns and audience behaviors have changed over the past 7-8 years. However, not much has been done by media houses to gain insights on this behavioral change and subsequently do capacity building of newsroom staff to incorporate and align with this transformation. This is the major pain point that we are trying to address and resolve.

Over the years, Media Matters for Democracy has rolled out awareness and training programs aimed at making news persons key stakeholders in this equation. In addition to capacity building of individual journalists, MMfD has partnered with major newsrooms in Pakistan and trained their staff in-house through modules tailor-made to specific challenges and adaptative of their policies.

We initially observed that the newsrooms were not able to fully incorporate the transformation or practices suggested by a certain staff member trained externally, so we pivoted our strategy to achieve maximum results. This way, newsrooms have been more accepting of best practices for countering misinformation and digital fact-checking, and this has also allowed us to have more insight into the working mechanisms of the leading newsroom.

Synergyzer: Could you tell us about some of the significant challenges and opportunities in promoting media literacy and digital democracy in Pakistan and how Media Matters for Democracy addresses them?

Asad Baig: To garner insight and support for campaigns and initiatives, MMfD constantly conducts academic research on changing trends of media literacy and content consumption to ensure internal and external capacity building.

In our initial interaction, mostly the journalists inform us that they haven’t been aware of digital fact-checking. This is the main challenge we face working with journalists in the digital age who are not much aware of digital literacy. For media houses to offer this training, they don’t have enough budget and resources. Ideally, a separate team is needed to carry out research and in-house training activities.

In addition to this, the other pertinent challenge is that there are no set mechanisms in place to monitor and regulate misinformation in digital space. A case in point is the misinformation campaigns being carried out by political parties against their rivals.

For instance, the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP) regulates the election and political campaigns, but only those done in physical space. But there are no set rules to either regulate or even monitor the extent of campaigns carried out in digital space. You cannot keep a check on troll farms and, subsequently, the misinformation content. Putting it in perspective, the whole electioneering scenario will be completely diametrical, if not volatile, in 2023, with not much in place to regulate.

Synergyzer: In your opinion, what are the current challenges and opportunities for independent journalism and media freedom in Pakistan, and how do Media Matters for Democracy contribute to addressing them?

Asad Baig: Not everything is in a worse state; the digital platforms are relatively independent, and digital media houses have considerably more freedom and liberty to operate as compared to conventional media houses.

However, the bigger challenge here is BigTech — the likes of Meta, Google, and similar others — who regulate the content to the extent of manipulation and censorship. For instance, we all are aware of the curbs implemented by the BigTech digital platforms regarding the Kashmir issue.

This new form of regulation is more dangerous, as there is still a complaint filing mechanism in place to contest restrictions imposed by the government. You can either move courts or appear before a tribunal to lodge a complaint against the state’s anti-freedom policies. But, on the contrary, there is no clear mechanism to address the censorship acts of BigTechs. Mostly you get a chatbot response from them, which doesn’t even answer your query properly. This remains the biggest threat to freedom of expression, as there is no clear picture to understand what level of stakeholders and players are behind these curbs.

Unfortunately, actual hate campaigns go unnoticed, but credible reporting platforms undergo continuous scrutiny.

Synergyzer: How do Media Matters for Democracy contribute to shaping correct narratives in light of providing and enabling responsible information?

Asad Baig: We need to have BigTech accountability. It’s not that those mediums are bad or anyone wants to ban those, however, they do need to offer certain accountability regarding their policies.

These platforms are continuously evolving and will take a natural course based on audience response and interactions, but they need to create some balance and offer a level playing field. We understand the importance of such social platforms, however, this one-sided approach towards content censorship is hampering access to means of freedom of speech. There needs to be a multi-stakeholder approach in order to ensure an enabling environment for the masses to exercise their rights.

Synergzer: What role does media literacy play in enhancing the effectiveness of media consumption?

Asad Baig: When you talk about regulating the masses, this is considered a resource blackhole. How will you ensure that the masses will consider information integrity?

When talking specifically about the Pakistani audience, there are a lot of fault lines i.e. religious, political, among others. Then there are economic issues having a considerable impact, generally a biased and charged crowd, and most recently, the behavior can be termed as that of a tussle between haves and have-nots.

In order to create information integrity, the masses need to be inoculated with misinformation. This process is similar to how a vaccination is administered to counter a virus; this is why the uncontrollable spread of misinformation is often referred to as infodemic.

Against every kind of misinformation, there needs to be a calculated and strategized inoculation of integral information so that the masses can eventually resist against the misinformation from within. But this requires great resources, which could not be possible to execute without the help of the government and state machinery.

The government does have budgets for media campaigns, but it generally doesn’t seem interested in spending it on educating the masses. Moreover, this will also mean creating awareness against misleading political campaigns, which no ruling party wants to do.

Media cannot be blamed for everything; they already have limited budgets in this ailing economy. The government needs to devise a multi-medium approach, much similar to the anti-polio campaign.

Misinformation is similar to a virus, and viruses cannot be inoculated at the production end but at the consumption end by improving immunity.

Synergyzer: Can you share any insights or lessons learned from your work at Media Matters for Democracy that could be valuable for political parties, candidates, and strategists interested in improving their branding efforts?

Asad Baig: It is a general perception that political campaigns utilize digital media platforms in an abusive manner. A few years back, we held a seminar in which senior representatives of all major political parties were present. There we asked them to share a commitment to ensure that their party platform will not be used to monger hate speech. But unfortunately, no political leader offered commitment that their party workers will not weaponize hate speech.

This is mainly because, generally, the party workers are utilized as loose cannons. Party leaders keep fueling them to garner support and strength and undermine their opponents. However, whenever a controversy occurs, they conveniently disown them.

So much similar to the government, no political party is interested in inoculating its workers. They have instead transformed certain segments into self-sustaining propaganda machines that will blindly accept and propagate any and every narrative.

The only way to resolve or limit this mutation effect is for segments of civil society to step up and put pressure on autonomous government bodies to take up awareness campaigns.

In addition to this, civil society groups can also run a sustained campaign on information integrity. Media space can be arranged under multiple categories through govt organizations like PEMRA, ECP, and others, who have dedicated budgets and slots for public awareness campaigns.

The Marriage of Marketing and Politics

Sara Danial
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The Marriage of Marketing and Politics

Pakistan is in the throes of state elections. The rage is gathering momentum. With increasingly high media consumption and strong opinions on this subject, it is imperative to get it right.

As we witness the chaos unfold in real-time, and many of us participate in it, a parallel drama is played out in terms of image projection. After all, elections, in many ways, are the new entertainment. It probably always has been, for Pakistan – theatrics of sorts.

Unlike the earlier days, today, everyone is involved as a citizen journalist, and they want to participate in equal measure, ensuring their fate is no longer decided by the powers that be. And why not? After all, the environment has it all – heroes and villains, officeholders and antagonists, victory and failure, clandestine and confusion, recklessness and results. It’s exciting, thrilling even – nothing short of a roller coaster ride unfurling right before you.

So it is all the more important to build a powerful political brand – it takes generations to build it. Sometimes, it is smashed in one fell swoop. From contouring the brand values and refining the brand messages, the universe is a whole another ball game. It is not the usual world of the FMCG durables or services industry.

Every Voter is Vital

With no blurring lines, there is no difference between the rich, poor, urban, rural, men, women, old, and young. Each vote boasts equal value. As a marketing and communications professional, we play by the Pareto principle in marketing – 80:20 rule, where we focus on heavy users forming 20% of the consumer base giving you 80% of revenue. In the political world, every vote carries equal weight. Interestingly, urban consumers are less likely to vote than rural counterparts.

There is Only One Execution Day

The voting day. Regular brands require building up advertising, hoping for the consumer to take action to explore and buy the product. At the elections, it’s just one day that matters. If the consumer does not “buy” you that day, it is over.

Strong Slogan

The slogan will connect you to your audience like nothing else. It must encompass your strategy into a few pitiful yet impactful words which should resonate with the target market. It should be liked and used by one and all in daily lives. Like Bhuttos’ infectious and optimistic campaign slogan roti, kapra, makaan, ensuring the provision of the basics; or perhaps the catchiest of them all is PTI’s youth-embodied tabdeeli aai ray, reflecting change, hope, and opportunity.

Often, idolizing political candidates has been the norm in Pakistan – working for the candidates rather than focusing on the candidate’s vision. For instance, popular political slogans to venerate Altaf Hussain, MQM’s founder, by coining & chanting Jeeay Altaf in the style of Jeeay Bhutto, which in turn was PPP’s mantra for its own founder, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, conveying their loyalties to the candidates.

Perhaps the best version of two powerful slogans in the days of MQM were Hum ko Manzil Nahee Rehnuma Chaheya (we don’t need to achieve our goals; we need only a leader) is the guiding light for them. And Quaid kay ferman pay jan bhee Qurban hay (we sacrifice ourselves to the word of the Quaid) was a candlelight for Muhajir activists. The epicenter of it all is the emotional connection. National pride. Individual security and a matched ideology.

Every Medium is Vital

For FMCGs, it is essential to be on television and constantly remind the consumer of your brand. Radio, Outdoor, and below-the-line collaterals are usually thought of as secondary media.

Not in the political world. It is important to target the rural consumer who works in the field and uses his black cycle to work – that is where the primary media are radio, wall paintings, stickers, graffiti, banners, and posters.

Social Media – The Game Changer

It is a no-brainer that political leaders have the highest following. Inspirational and carrying mass popularity, followers want to know what they are saying or believing. It’s interesting to note that while the PML-N has 2.4 million followers, Shehbaz Sharif enjoys 6.6 million followers on Twitter. PPP has 1 million followers on Twitter as compared to Bilawal Bhutto Zardari’s 5 million followers. And PTI has 8.7 million followers, while Imran Khan boasts 19.1 million followers. So, people can be bigger than their companies in the political game.

While Twitter remains the most popular social media app amongst politicians, many have also resorted to Instagram; case in point, Sherry Rehman. This helps them to cover millennials. What about Generation Z? In the recent US elections, it was said Tik Tok and Snapchat have made it to political media. Who knows if Pakistan may follow suit?

Engagement Through Live Video

Depending on the 9 pm prime time is passĂ©. Politicians are now empowered enough to break their own news and engage with their constituents in real time. Although rather popular in the Western world, it has very much entered the Pakistani pulse in a big way. Haven’t we recently witnessed Imran Khan using this medium a-plenty?

Nearly Invisible Lead-Times

Political parties talk daily to their voter base. Many a time, there is no choice, as rebuttals must be made to counter. New ideas. Keep the conversation going. Continue to churn material till it reaches the customer’s sub-conscience.

Cell Phone is The Primary Medium

Pakistan’s population is young. Approximately 65% is below 35. Coupled with millions of smartphones in the country growing at an unprecedented rate, this is the tool to utilize in the elections going forward. The youth consumes media and news in different ways than 6-7 years ago, through online editions, news shorts, Twitter, and other social media. More than news, they want strong opinions and solid views that they can resonate with.

Shaping The Strategy

This is not a product, a category, a region, or a subsect. This is the whole country you are dealing with. Some of our provinces are equal to many European countries put together. The party’s election game plan is essential. Approach. Narrative. Language. Tonality.

Brand Proposition

As a communications strategist and content professional, it is a small wonder that every brand must be built on a sturdy, differentiated consumer proposition. For instance, every political brand needs to have a compelling point of difference. The party that talks to the youth. The party that is secular and the party that drives growth. Political brands generally speak of economic development, attract foreign and local investments, create massive employment, and reduce poverty and disparity. These are promises we hope every party makes as elections tread closer. Addressing the basic, universal needs of most voters. Anything less than this and a political brand will not stand a chance. Therefore, the point of difference must birth from an entirely different ambit — a commitment to growth, the needs of a particular region or group, or a promise of superior performance.

Segmentation

Of course, every political brand wishes to target the complete voter base. Possible? No – it translates into endless budgets. Solution: target segmentation exercise must be undertaken. Who are you talking to? Who will listen to you?

Brand Ambassador

Regular brands are endorsed by celebrities to give them impetus. For political brands, the face is a must. While the former can get away with it, the political scenario cannot do without it. Because the faces encapsulate the ideologies that the voters buy into. For instance, in the 2021 US elections, Donald Trump was the face of the Republicans. To counter his popularity, the Democrats needed to field the right candidate. For a long time, the Democrats seemed aimless. When Joe Biden became the face, the Political Brand wars began. And all of us know what follows when the brands are at war: the consumer enjoys the most, in this case, the voters. With a keen watch on the issues, the repartee, and the salvos. Everyone is following each move. All eyes are on the leadership.

Branding of Politics: Role of Media

Ambassador Naghmana Hashmi
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Branding of Politics: Role of Media

One: Mass media, in general, have become an inseparable part of modern society. From entertainment to politics, from television to the internet, its purpose has evolved to be more than just the dissemination of information amongst the masses. It is part of the social framework of modern society, dictating and establishing norms, as well as presenting the general character of our society and its politics.

Two: The role of media within society is vast, particularly the impact on how we interact with one another as individuals and as nations. Media has continued to have an increasingly significant role in our daily lives, especially in our perceptions of others. Although mass media is a powerful means of disseminating information, but it is also true that media continues to have a definitive effect on political thinking and perception, not only on the internal politics of a nation but also on its foreign policy and strategic thinking.

Three: As the fourth pillar of democracy, media has an active role to play in narrative building, shaping the critical thinking of young minds and peace-building processes, as well as creating divisions and controversies that are harmful to the nation and its institutions at all levels. As such, while media should not only present facts but also interpret facts to formulate public opinion and propagate new ideas and opinions, it should refrain from being a handmaiden to the myopic and negative agendas of some political and destructive forces.

Four: Free flow of information is an important prerequisite of democracy and of smooth functioning of the state and society on one hand and on the other, in stable maintenance of peace and development of relations among states, particularly neighboring states. With the power and reach to mold public opinion, media, and now particularly social media, can support developments and initiatives that mitigate conflict and promote peace or encourage the negative forces that lead to confrontation, conflict, and war.

Five: In contemporary times, the intricate ways in which new media, specifically social media, has provided the audience with a sense of ownership over the news and its content further enhances their ability to exert a tangible and enduring impact on economic, political, and strategic issues. It allows the audience to engage and even change the narrative, essentially forever altering the relationship between audiences and media in general.

Six: The exponential rise in the use of social media is being exploited to the hilt by some political Parties to target critics, mobilize public opinion, and use tags like “anti-national” to discredit anyone showing a hint of circumspection with their narrative. The audience watching news channels, reading national newspapers, following social media, and renowned bloggers make the assumption that the information being presented is an objective fact with no social, political, or cultural biases, which we know not to be the case. Media has long been known to produce and reproduce socio-politically detrimental and derogatory images of opponents, making it paramount for the targeted arties to negate this untrue representation of them as having violent motivations.

Seven: The media (especially news media) has the ability to take a group of people and place them in the role of the ‘other’, the other against which their own ideal is established, and a common enemy to unite against. Media-more particularly, visual entertainment and news media- have become some of our main points of reference for establishing and disseminating social norms, moral codes, and political beliefs and orientations, regardless of whether or not those are just or reflect the truth. The power of modern media has helped political parties to establish their specific brand of Politics with sensational and concocted information. We have seen this play out very negatively in Pakistan, where on political party understood the value and power of modern media to reach out to the general public with their negative ideology and create a cult personality and helped the resurgence of negative cult politics in Pakistan.

Eight: It was generally believed that with the end of the Cold War and the dawn of an era of remarkable technological advancement, easy access to information, growth of value chains, and increased interdependence of economies, the age of “Personality Cult Leaders” was finally waning and paving the way for democracies to flourish and develop.

Nine: However, during the first two decades of this century, partisans’ mild dislike for their opponents has been transformed into a deeper form of animus. The Spread of democratic ideas themselves and the subsequent development of mass media enabled political leaders, including the usually marginalized fundamentalist and extremist leaders, to project a positive image of themselves onto the masses as never before. It is this enabling environment in the 21st century that has facilitated the resurgence of personality cult leaders who, in the garb of nationalism, have perpetrated heinous crimes against their opponents, as we see being done by some supposedly political entities in Pakistan and the BJP leader Narendra Modi in India.

Ten: The Indian government has also fully grasped the impact of media on the thinking of the masses and opinion-making. The fundamentalist government of Modi in India, with the support and backing of its intelligence agencies, has ensured an iron hold on all the major media houses and has set up a huge network of social media community that they control both inside India and abroad to propagate its narrow hate infused ideology, particularly its anti-Pakistan rhetoric. It is also a fact that whenever the Modi government fails to control and resolve its fast-deteriorating economic and political problems, it turns to its favourite tactic of diverting the attention of dissatisfied and impoverished hundreds of millions by turning to the “Pakistan threat”. The Indian media is hand in glove with the Modi government to ensure they create the hype necessary to deflect the attention of the populace from the domestic endemic problems to a threat to national security by Pakistan

Eleven: It is not an uncommon sight in Indian and Western media to portray Pakistan with derogatory and inimical representations. Media often portrays Pakistan in narrow and stereotypical manners, portraying it negatively as the troublesome “other,” overemphasizing representations as violent extremists, fundamentalists, or terrorists – ultimately depicting it as an adversary to peace and stability in the region. Indian media, television news channels, in particular, bay for war with Pakistan, even if it escalates into a nuclear apocalypse. They spew up fictitious stories to whip up a jingoistic frenzy to keep the flame of hate burning.

Twelve: Popular Western and Indian narratives continue to enforce stereotypes, and in turn, it contributes to the nurturing of both subtle and explicit forms of racism, fear, and hatred against Pakistan amongst the masses. All aspects of the Western and Indian media hold a certain responsibility for the misrepresentation and widespread prejudice towards those nations and people who do not fit their political ambition. This happens because the repetition of a stereotype in media content naturalizes it and can shape how individuals discuss various countries and people, as seen in the case of Pakistan.

Thirteen: The Pakistani media is also increasingly portraying the conflict perspective both in internal politics and foreign policy issues. The conflict perspective focuses on how the media portrays, reflects, and maybe even exacerbates divisions within society and nations. The goal of Indian media, it seems, is no longer the dissemination of information but rather social coercion and control; and conflict within society. It ensures that mass media, especially main steam national media, reflects the predominant ideology and perspective of the political entity they support. The media chooses and highlights the beliefs that receive precedence, making the situation bad for those that are undermined.

Fourteen: Contingent on who guides public opinion, media can lead to a tradition of sensationalism. Today we see the crystallization and mainstreaming of sensationalism. Media is increasingly appealing to a particular style and rhetoric for the sole purpose of provoking public sentiment and promoting the branding of certain political parties. Some of the blatant lies the media is churning out have left them red-faced during live coverage, providing much-needed comic relief to their audience. The media passionately and with little regard for facts—parrot a particular narrative and amplify them at the slightest provocation.

Fifteen: By funneling one piece of negative information after another, people do not retain much and fall into a cycle of instant gratification. Rootless, when new information comes in, the old is a thing of the past. At the rate at which certain media spews out untrue information, the viewers have no time to criticize it, analyze it, or reflect on it, making them subject to suggestions and potentially devastating conclusions like the ones we recently witnessed in Pakistan. The media can move from being an advocate of democracy and peacemaker to being its greatest threat, a tyranny of extremist regimes fuelled by negative public opinion and stark binaries.

Sixteen:  Nationalist hysteria isn’t solely a cynical tactic driven by business interests; it encompasses a broader strategy in which not only television channels but also social media, troll battalions, and fake news factories actively participate. There are many downsides to waging media warfare. Jingoistic eruptions distract from the crux of the issue. More importantly, media histrionics are creating the appetite for conflict and civil war. Media outlets should exercise caution in generating hype that pushes reality to conform to fiction, and they should avoid pressuring politicians into making impulsive and uninformed decisions. Unlike television, you can’t turn a conflict off.

Seventeen: Media and communications can play a positive or negative role in conflict situations and peace processes. Managing this is a key question for policymakers. The digital age has made this task even more critical and urgent. Faster dissemination of news and views by multiple means at faster speeds ultimately has a profound impact on developments. “We inhibit the peaceful and negotiated resolution of conflicts not only by the extent to which we demonize one another. We do so also by the degree to which we separate, on the one hand, the processes of politics and international affairs and, on the other hand, the moral relations between ourselves as human beings… talking to one another and discussion must be the prelude to the resolution of conflicts.” Nelson Mandela, Capetown, 1999. This quote by Nelson Mandela epitomizes the very essence of a successful peace process and avoiding conflict and war.

Eighteen: There are important lessons in this for the Pakistani media as well. The press has been and continues to be the most popular means of communication. Media can work both ways, that is, to ignite violence, conflict and to settle peace and normalcy.

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